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Foolish Virgins
Foolish Virgins

foolishvirginsbook.jpgRevolution was in the wind. The presumed happy-go-lucky, tourist-brochure people of the Caribbean had begun to grumble and rebel against Whitehall-oriented governments such as Premier John Compton’s. Where the new breed of politician was concerned, Fidel Castro was God, Cuba Heaven—and Socialism the only road to salvation.

Compton fought back. He offered St Lucians the desperate promise that the solution to their problems was synonymous with independence from Britain. But the opposition Labour Party insisted on passing on other messages to the island’s sixty percent idle work force. It came as no surprise when the SLP mounted its attack on the premier’s independence plans. Implicit in its platform rhetoric was the threat of a violent takeover—a threat that, coming as it did shortly after Maurice Bishop’s coup d’état in Grenada, no one took lightly, least of all Premier Compton.

He introduced new laws that effectively restricted freedom of speech in St Lucia: citizens who wished to hold public meetings were required first to obtain a permit from the police. Of course, the government remained unaffected by the so-called Public Order Act. State-financed Radio St Lucia, while inaccessible to members of the opposition and their known supporters, was forever at the service of Premier Compton. In his determination to avoid what had befallen Eric Gairy in Grenada, Compton armed his Special Services Unit—the dreaded SSU—with the latest in American artillery.

Lybia’s Colonel Muammar Gaddafi was about to enter the picture!

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I'll Be Alright In The Morning

bealrightbook.jpgThis is an engrossing recent history of politics in a Third World country. Fortunately, it is not an academic's history. There is no difficulty feeling that one is reading about very real people. There is no pedantry, no wearisome show of neutrality or the coy evasiveness of the book learner. Instead, it is told from a definite point of view, with all the bias but also with boldness, the detail and the brilliance of opinion that the style allows.

Its lessons apply generally. Every West Indian politician, every citizen, must study it if he or she must understand more deeply the opportunity, the seriousness and the responsibility of politics. He or she must understand that the press must be free and that it is endangered; that foreign interests must be restrained and are not; that self-styled intellectuals are not always as knowledgeable as they might seem.

Though this book is not a professor’s book, the professors especially must read it. For not only is it a therapeutic, it also provides excellent empirical grist for theoretical mills. Herein, we find all our enamored categories. But not merely labelled and peopled with ideal types. Instead, delineated by vivid descriptions of actual personalities.

First, the Intellectuals: Whether catalysts or cause or merely the result of modernization, always enemies of the old order, always searching for models, always most vocal, always questioning, probing, agitating, but too often alienated from the people and politically naive. Then, the Peasantry: Ignorant and impoverished but the hope of the intellectuals. Then the Politically Entrenched: Wily, durable, resistant to change, determined to stay in power. Then the Aristocracy: Sensing the end, fighting a timorous rear-guard action. And The Local bourgeoisie: Too weak to provide a counterweight to government. Finally, in the background, too confident for ostentation, The Foreign Interest.

It is the peculiar merit of this book that all of these types and more are clearly depicted that we may understand them. And in understanding them, learn to better control our destiny.

---Bernard Boxill, Ph.D., University of California.

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